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"O Nanak, I sing songs
of praise imbued with Blood!!"
As the 17 anniversary of the beginning of the Third Sikh Holocaust
falls upon us, we find many wanting to forget about the dreadful
events of 1984. I have heard countless people say "lets stop
pointing fingers and move on with our lives" or "I can
appreciate the human rights abuses in Punjab but I don't live there."
It's hard to fathom that the blood of our martyrs and the tears
of our mothers means nothing?
Our Theology teaches us not to hold a grudge against anyone, whether
they be Muslims, Hindus, or Christians. However, our theology also
teaches us that Justice must prevail at all costs. The events of
84 can perhaps be forgiven after justice is delivered but they shall
never be forgotten. All those who conveniently choose to forget
1984 should pay heed to something a wise man once said, "Those
who forget their past, are bound to repeat it."
I would ask exactly what it is that we should forget? Should we
forget the planned attack on Sikhism's throne of Spiritual and Temporal
sovereignty? How can we forget the attack on Guru Arjan Dev's Shaheedi
Day on which thousands and thousands of innocent men, women, and
children were slaughtered on an attack on 37 Sikh historical Gurdwaras
in 3 different states? Should we forget how the Sikh reference library
was burned in a Nazi like manner three days after the attack?
Should we forget those that came running into the streets and gave
ladoos (sweets) to the soldiers burning Amritsar? Should we forget
the "tilaks" (sacred marks) that were put on tanks as
they mutated the city of Nectar into the flames of Hell?
Should we forget the operations Woodrose or Blackthunder that were
a follow-up to Bluestar? Should we forget how an entire generation
of Sikh boys was literally exterminated village by village? Should
we forget our sisters that were raped? Should we forget our mothers
who were humiliated? Should we forget our fathers who were tortured?
How can anyone forget the scent of Woodrose? A rose, in this case,
by any other name is the seedling of a Holocaust.
Perhaps we should forget the mobs that over-ran the streets of
India after Beant Singh assassinated Indira Gandhi. Can we forget
that the government organized pogroms that caused Sikhs to be burned
in the streets for committing the sole crime of being a Sikh? Can
we forget how babies were thrown out of windows for having Sikhs
as their mothers? Can we forget how are mothers wept as they saw
their children incinerated before them? How is it possible for tears
to not roll from our eyes when we recall the manner in which our
mothers had their clothes ripped from their bodies?
Just imagine how much there is to forget for there have been 17
years between then and now. Just ask 10 random mothers in Punjab
about the whereabouts of a son and you shall certainly find an episode
that cannot be forgotten.
Clearly, one cannot categorically blame all Indians or Hindus for
the mayhem committed against the Sikhs. However, one can blame the
Indian majority for the events that transpired in 1984 and beyond
as easily, perhaps more easily, than one can blame Germans for what
was done to Jews during the reign of Nazi Germany. "Like being
a Jew in Czarist Russia or Nazi Germany, violence makes Sikhs fear
for their future in India," (New York Times, Nov. 11, 1984).
The fact that India as a whole condoned the acts of 1984 reveals
the direness of the Sikh predicament. The pogroms of 1984 were masterminded
by the government and enjoyed popular support; else the carnage
would not have been allowed to overrun the country for days. Nearly
all would agree that those who are silent in the face of atrocities
are as much to blame for them as the perpetrators themselves.
The generals that led the attack on Darbar Sahib are yet to be
brought to pay for their actions. The intelligence unit, Research
Analysis Wing (RAW), and police squadrons that led special teams
to eradicate Sikhs are yet to find themselves before a court. The
Indian government's official stance even today is that they attacked
the Golden Temple to flush out terrorists. Ram Narayan Kumar proves
the government's hypocrisy in his article, The Ghallughara: Operation
Blue Star - A Retrospect, by citing that army units had been practicing
on an exact replica of the Golden Temple complex months before the
attack. Mark Tully, in his book, Mrs. Gandhi's Last Battle, details
the manner in which the Indian Army put the whole of Punjab in curfew.
All reporters and media personnel were escorted out of Amritsar
as the Indian state turned against the people of Punjab.
The leaders of the mobs that butchered Sikhs have been given high
political assignments as their punishments. Positively identified
mob leaders such as H.K.L. Bhagat and Rampal Pradhan continue to
walk free to this day. Meanwhile, official commissions continue
to be established to probe and exonerate the government and further
trivialize the tragedy of 1984.
Zuhair Kashmiri and Brian McAndrew, in their book Soft Target,
write that the Indian government had created a top-secret organization
called the Third Agency to unlawfully neutralize the Sikh separatist
movement in Punjab. Julio Ribero, the man charged with exterminating
Sikh militants in Punjab, writes in his autobiography, Bullet for
Bullet, that special operations teams were sent in to neutralize
Sikhs by any means necessary. These teams would even dress themselves
as Sikh militants and target innocent civilians to demolish the
public support enjoyed by Sikh separatists.
We have waited over a decade and a half for redress and achieved
no results. Meanwhile, economic policies have been drafted to weaken
the Punjab even further and crush the Sikh spirit. Tanduv of the
Centaur by Gurtej Singh thoroughly discusses the implementation
of such policies since Indian Independence. The government has done
nothing to render justice to the Sikhs and we would be in error
to believe that it shall change its attitude towards the Sikhs.
In fact, policies are still being drafted on a daily basis to weaken
the Punjab.
Whether we read Rousseau's Social Contract or the Declaration of
Independence, the theme is clear: when a government ceases to protect
the rights of its people, the people have a right to abolish that
government and erect a new one in its stead. Having been unable
to seek remedy for the tyranny of the past two decades, we are at
this point today and I believe this course of action to be sanctioned
by the Gurus.
One should not misinterpret what I have written above to mean that
I am suggesting that we should all pick up guns and turn them against
all Indians. I am in total favor of mending our relationships with
the majority community in India as a whole but this will only happen
when there is acknowledgement by the majority community that what
happened to the Sikhs was truly wrong and the perpetrators are brought
to justice. It is unfortunate that the Government of India's propaganda
machine is so strong that the truth of 1984 and beyond is yet to
be fully known, much less justice rendered.
We may not be in a position to pick up arms today but this does
not mean that we limit our vision. Our Guru tells us that the sword
must be drawn as the last resort. We have employed peaceful means
to seek justice for too long. It is time to regroup and refine our
vision. Let me be clear that strapping on an AK-47 is not our only
recourse; we certainly are not in a position today to do so anyway.
We must employ the weapons of modern warfare, from utilizing economic
finesse to political genius if we are to succeed in our mission.
I encourage all Sikhs who wish to move forward and stop the finger
pointing for 1984 to perhaps go spend a week in Punjab with
eyes and see the carnage that has unfolded over the past two decades.
Even reading an objectively written book such as Inderjit Singh's
The Politics of Genocide reveals a great many uncomfortable truths
about the future of Sikhs in Punjab.
It is far too easy and too convenient to forget. Our Gurbani, our
History, and our daily Ardaas teach us not to disregard our collective
predicament. I beg you not to forget; else the ones that come after
us will perhaps also choose to forget what might happen to us.
We're dead wrong if we think we've seen the worst to befall the
Punjab.
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