Dr. W. H. McLeod's penchant for creating controversies where none exists must constitute a record of sorts. His latest book, 'Who is a Sikh', reveals him best at his trade. Of late, particularly since the ongoing political crisis in the Punjab, his writings have become conspicuous for their political content as well as disregard for established facts of history. Those who look for these distortions in the present work shall be amply rewarded.

All unbiased analysts of Hindu culture and behaviour from Alberuni to Max Weber and Nirad C. Chaudhri are aware that it represents an uni-central, geo-centred, exclusive and opinionated society. Pluralism, the soul of co-existence, is totally alien to it. These traits have put it in direct social and political confrontation with other societies.

Proper resolution of conflict involves recognition of autonomous status of about thirty other nations constituting the Indian sub-continent. Instead, Hindu India has consciously chosen to keep them in permanent subjugation as a prelude to final assimilation. But, since the step has to be justified to the liberty loving West, the argument that comes in handy is that, 'Sikhism is just a sect of Hinduism and the quest for separate identity is promoted by separatist organisations and Sikh Temples (Gurudwaras) under the influence of the Khalsa'.

It may be recalled that the argument seriously advanced by M. K. Gandhi was that the Muslims, being descendants of converts from Hinduism, were a part of the Hindu nation. In varying degrees the same is used against disadvantaged minorities in independent India. Like their predecessors - Mughals, Afghans and Britishers - the present rulers have come to believe that the Sikh Gurudwaras must be brought under State control in order to contain the quest for separate identity. This is the true context of Dr. McLeod's book, a large part of which cannot otherwise be comprehended.

One progressively realises that Dr. McLeod is projecting the post 1947 predicament ("debate has followed these lines throughout the present century") coloured by imperialistic design to disintegrate the order of the Khalsa. The plan is to so re-define a Sikh that Hindu take-over of Sikh shrines is rendered possible by a pseudo democratic process. Punjabi Hindus, who have denied their mother tongue in successive Census operations since 1947, are considered capable of posing as Sikhs on the day of polling.

Immediate context is also relevant. It is based on two deliberate distortions. The first one is a clever trick by which the definition of a Sikh for the sole purpose of management of Gurdwaras is represented as defining all those who claim to belong to the faith and is then derided as 'definition by legislation'. The mention that, of the more than ten thousand Gurdwaras in the Punjab alone, only one hundred and thirty are managed by the SGPC, is omitted. So is the fact that participation of Sahejdharis is provided for in the Act. The second one, that the SGPC has usurped the exclusive right to define a Sikh, is a total inversion of facts.

The SGPC drew up an authentic version of the Sikh code of conduct by consent of all the constituents of the Panth. It appointed a committee of known scholars on October 1, 1932. This committee invited and processed suggestions received from various shades of opinion from within and outside the country; the suggestions and the draft proposal were widely publicised. Almost every known opinion maker was involved in the exercise, which finally concluded on January 7, 1945. Definition of a Sikh in Sikh Rehat Maryada is thus arrived at after due consideration.

That is only the beginning. Dr. McLeod's definition of Sehajdhari is supported by no authority and is clearly inadequate. Attainment of Sehaj, or spiritual equipoise, is equally mandatory for all Sikhs, including the Khalsa. Sehajdharis may have felt themselves in no position to abide by the Khalsa rehat but have at no stage opposed it, as has been suggested. They have held no ideals not equally dear to the Khalsa. Their opposition would be meaningless as the Khalsa is a voluntary association and its rehat, or the ground rules of the Order, is voluntarily accepted.

McLeod cannot pursue his thesis of differing identities so lightly. In addition, he will have to establish that he articulates a desire for preservation of a threatened Sehajdhari identity and is not advancing the specious argument of a renegade or an agent of the Brahmanic cultural imperialism. In the absence of all that we must hold that the entire emphasis of this book is totally misplaced.

Doctrinally, there is no possibility of conflict between Sehajdharis and the Khalsa; historically they have always (up to 1947) replenished the Khalsa ranks. The "persistent problem" of those who "observe multiple identities" agitates McLeod more than it has ever agitated the wearer of such apparel. His discovery of a new constituent of the Sikh Panth, namely, the Hindu-Sikh, is amazing to say that least. The species is not known to history. The Mughals, for instance did not know it. It would be more tenable to suggest the existence of Jew-Muslims, Jew-Christians and Muslim-Christians as they at least have common scriptures and as Islam recognises earlier Prophets.

Sikh Gurus deny the scriptural value of the Vedas, decry the possibility of God ever incarnating and squarely denounce the caste system. These are the basic doctrines of any shade of Hinduism. How can a Hindu remain a Hindu if he heeds to the Guru? A Hindu who honestly claims to be a Sikh would be a living absurdity.

Chandigarh based Gurtej Singh taught history before being selected for the prestigious and highly competitive I.P.S. (Indian Police Service) and the I.A.S. (Indian Administrative Service), which he joined. In the early eighties he resigned in protest of the Indian Government's treatment of the Sikhs.

Nominated 'Professor of Sikhism' by the SGPC, Professor Gurtej Singh is author of "Tanduv of the Centaur: Sikhs and Indian Secularism" and "Chakravyuh: Web of Indian Secularism". In addition he has co-edited "Shahid-Bilas Sant Jarnail Singh".